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Case Centre resources

Our resources

Our resources thrust participants into the heart of real-world scenarios, from crisis management in the UK during the Covid-19 pandemic to cross-party education reform in Brazil.

Many of our resources are available on The Case Centre distribution platform. Educators who are registered with the site can access free review copies of our case studies, teaching notes, and other materials.

To inquire about our other cases or background materials, please contact us at casecentre@bsg.ox.ac.uk.

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President Trump talking on a phone aboard Airforce One

President Trump calling: accept or decline?

On 9 March 2017, Preet Bharara, US attorney for the Southern District of New York (SDNY), saw he had missed a call from US President Donald Trump. While not illegal, such communication was usually routed through senior intermediaries in the US Department of Justice to avoid political influence in law enforcement. Bharara wanted to avoid any impropriety, but he also knew that President Trump preferred to deal directly with subordinates. Should he return the president’s call?

On 9 March 2017, Preet Bharara, US Attorney for the Southern District of New York, returned to his office to see that he had missed a phone call from President Donald Trump. It was highly unusual for the President of the United States to want to speak directly with a US Attorney. Such communication was usually routed through senior intermediaries in the Department of Justice to avoid political influence in law enforcement. In this case, those intermediaries had no knowledge of the reason for President Trump’s phone call.

While senior prosecutors like Bharara were political appointees who served at the will of the appointing president, in this case, Bharara was the chief law-enforcement officer in the jurisdiction that covered much of President Trump’s personal and business interests. Bharara wanted to avoid any appearance of impropriety, but he also knew that President Trump was an unorthodox leader who sought to deal directly with subordinates and shake up government bureaucracy. Bharara was keen not to hamper legitimate communications with the new White House. He had to decide whether to return the president’s phone call in violation of Department of Justice norms.

Length of Teaching:
1-2 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Strengthen values-based leadership and management skills;
  2. Understand and assess organisational accountability and functional independence
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Covid vaccine bottles

Can the WTO help solve the COVID-19 vaccine crisis?

It is July 2021, and, in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic, access to vaccines is highly uneven around the globe. In this multi-issue, multi-party negotiation role play, participants representing governments from the Global North and Global South, as well as pharmaceutical companies and manufacturers, must work together to solve this issue. And although all parties share a common interest in seeing vaccination rates rise globally, individual and national interests diverge and finding an agreement is extremely challenging.

It is July 2021 and more than 4 million people across the world have lost their lives to Covid-19. With the pandemic still raging, mass vaccination programmes have been rolled out in many countries as one essential strategy to combat the virus. However, access to vaccines is highly uneven around the globe: while rich countries have vaccinated large proportions of their populations, some low-income countries have vaccination rates of under 1%. 

In this multi-issue, multi-party negotiation role play, participants representing governments from the Global North, governments from the Global South, and pharmaceutical companies and manufacturers must work together to improve access to vaccinations. And although all parties share a common interest in seeing vaccination rates rise globally, individual and national interests diverge and finding an agreement on the best route to achieve the desired goal is extremely challenging. In the negotiation, participants must navigate shifting alliances and competing interests and must, fundamentally, develop an understanding of how to negotiate for the public good.

Co-authored with Sachin Sathyarajan and Hayley Pring.

Length of Teaching:
3-4 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Practice and reflect upon key negotiation moves, skills and potential obstacles in a multi-party, multi-issue complex negotiation;
  2. Explore and experience themes related to negotiating in the public interest.
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Coronavirus meeting at the Health Board on March 7, 2020

Digital vaccine registration in Estonia

On 11 May 2021, Estonia’s Ministry of Social Affairs unexpectedly announced that Covid-19 vaccinations would be opened to all Estonians over 16 years old – 500,000 people – in just one week’s time. Estonia’s Chief Information Officer (CIO) Siim Sikkut worried that this large influx of users would crash the repurposed digital health portal. However, he did not have direct authority over the digital decisions of the social affairs ministry. What, if anything, he could do to prevent a crash?

Even though Estonia was well known as a leader in digital public services, some government departments had been less successful than others in their digitalisation efforts. In particular, the social insurance board had struggled to get their digital platform for social protection benefits off the ground: between 2017 and 2022, the project had eaten up €23 million and achieved only a quarter of its intended goals. 

This case study centres around the decision of whether to discontinue or try to salvage an unsuccessful digitalisation project. By analysing the social insurance board’s challenges to digitalisation, the case will be used to evaluate factors that contribute to unsuccessful digitalisation efforts, and in doing so, identify how governments can build up the skills to successfully digitalise.

Length of Teaching:
1-2 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Understand the dynamics between central-coordinating agencies and policy-implementing agencies;
  2. Explore the operational details, challenges and risks of digital transformation in government.
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Pen on paper

Blackout of the pens: anti-corruption oversight and operational efficiency in Brazil

Brazil’s control and anti-corruption bodies had been strengthened since its democratic transition in the 1980s. But for many public managers, the overlapping responsibilities and direct sanctioning powers of the control bodies, amidst their sometimes-conflicting assessments, made everyday policy and management decisions difficult. This background note looks at the phenomenon in Brazil known as apagão das canetas, or the ‘blackout of pens’, to explore how Brazil’s anti-corruption agencies and regulatory framework interact with public managers’ ability to meet operational demands.

This case study focuses on the phenomenon of pens’ blackout in Brazil where efforts to reduce corruption and increase the authority of control bodies have caused civil servants to avoid taking decisions for fear of being penalised. The case can be used to teach concepts such as how laws and control institutions can backfire by deterring honest civil servants; the role of legal uncertainty and audit; the relationship between executive and control authorities; and how to protect and promote discretion and innovation in the public service.

Length of Teaching:
1-2 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Identify the tensions between accountability and anti-corruption on the one hand, and operational efficiency on the other;
  2. Consider how to create systems (or organisations) that balance rules and discretion.
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A gun reform protest - close up of a sign in the crowd

Political mobilisation and the gun safety debate in the US

The National Rifle Association had historically dominated US political debates around firearm regulation, with their defence of the right to bear arms particularly influential among Republicans. After several mass shootings in the 2010s, new gun safety groups and mobilisation strategies emerged, enabling Democrat Senator Chris Murphy to enter bipartisan negotiations on gun safety in 2022. But the deal was in jeopardy when Republican senators threatened to walk over a policy championed by gun safety advocates. Should Murphy compromise?

In June 2022, four Senators, two Republican and two Democrat, gathered in the basement of the US Senate to negotiate the details of what they hoped would become the US’s first national gun safety legislation in decades. Such bipartisan negotiations had long seemed impossible. Debates of gun-related legislation had historically been dominated by the influential National Rifle Association (NRA), which vehemently defended the right to bear arms through a large grassroots base and direct pressure on politicians. Gun safety advocates, on the other hand, had failed to convince politicians to support their mission, struggling to amass enough funding and grassroots support to influence political campaigns – even when the majority of Americans supported stricter gun laws. But gradually over the 2010s, a few large gun-safety activist groups emerged and pursued new strategies, and by the 2020s, they were seeing some political victories at the local and state level.

This had given hope to Democrat Senator Chris Murphy who had supported gun safety since 2012. But now his colleague, Republican Senator John Cornyn, threatened to walk away from the negotiations over the inclusion of ‘red flag laws’, a tool to remove guns from individuals deemed to be at extreme risk to themselves or others. The provision was championed by gun safety groups and derided by the NRA. Murphy did not want to lose this potential moment for change, and he had to figure out if he could hold the coalition together.

Length of Teaching:
1-2 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Grapple with how interest groups and social movements influence politics and policy making;
  2. Examine which factors can make interest groups and social movements effective.
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Graffiti of Khaled Mohamed Saeed

Egypt in constitutional crisis

In autumn 2012, following the Egyptian revolution, opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei was concerned about the makeup of the constituent assembly. It was dominated by Islamists who also supported the newly elected president, Mohamed Morsi. With the assembly on the brink of collapse, Morsi sought dialogue with ElBaradei to reach a consensus on the draft constitution. Should ElBaradei accept Morsi’s invitation or join a boycott by other liberal and secular leaders?

In November 2012, in the aftermath of the Egyptian revolution, opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei faced a pivotal decision on his role in supporting the new democratically elected President Mohamed Morsi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood. Though ElBaradei and other liberal and secular figures had previously supported the Brotherhood during the revolution, they were wary of the Brotherhood’s Islamist agenda. Their primary concern was the makeup of the constituent assembly responsible for drafting Egypt's new constitution, which they believed failed to represent Egypt’s diversity. Many liberal figures were threatening to boycott the assembly in protest. 

With the assembly on the brink of collapse, Morsi sought dialogue with ElBaradei and other opposition figures to reach a consensus on the constitution draft. However, ElBaradei doubted the sincerity of Morsi’s intention to form a more representative assembly. Accepting Morsi's olive branch would symbolically legitimize his government and conservative agenda, while refusing could delay constitution drafting, leaving Morsi with unchecked powers and the country vulnerable to a military takeover. As fault lines deepened between Islamists and secularists, ElBaradei grappled with the decision to accept the invitation.

Internal authors:
Length of Teaching:
1-2 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Understand how hidden preferences can lead to regime instability, especially in authoritarian regimes;
  2. Recognise the power of organisation and mobilisation prior to a window of opportunity;
  3. Understand the challenges of maintaining pro-democracy coalitions during regime-founding moments.
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Cobalt

Mining Royalties in Nafasia

Nafasia, a fictional central African country, has vast cobalt deposits, but among the lowest cobalt royalty rates in the world. As global cobalt prices skyrocket, the government seeks to renegotiate the rate with Alloy, the largest mining company operating in the country. In this short two-party, single-issue negotiation simulation, students role-play the negotiation between the minister of mines and an Alloy executive to learn distributive negotiation techniques and negotiation analysis.

Nafasia, a fictional central African country, has vast cobalt deposits, but among the lowest cobalt royalty rates in the world. As global cobalt prices skyrocket, the government seeks to renegotiate the rate with Alloy, the largest mining company operating in the country. 

This is a short two-party, single-issue negotiation over setting a mining royalty rate. Students role-play the negotiation as either the representative of the mining company or the government’s minister of mines. Through the simulation, students become familiar with distributive negotiation techniques and learn key elements of negotiation analysis (including BATNA and ZOPA).

Internal authors:
Length of Teaching:
1-2 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Understand the purpose and nature of distributive negotiations;
  2. Learn and use core negotiation concepts;
  3. Identify and use common value-claiming tactics.
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A typical primary classroom scene

Building Schools in Cássio

This role-play centres around a school shortage in the fictional Brazilian municipality of Cássio. The municipality wants to build schools through a public-private partnership, but has come to an impasse over the price with the leading bidder, Plano Inteligente. In this short two-party, multi-issue negotiation, students role-play a negotiation between the municipal secretary of education and the managing director of Plano to introduce them to the dynamics of integrative negotiations.

This is a short two-party, multi-issue negotiation over a public-private partnership to build schools in Brazil. Students role-play a negotiation as either the secretary of education or the managing director of a private company. The role-play introduces students to the core features of integrative negotiations, allowing them to differentiate it conceptually from distributive negotiations.

The role-play also helps students understand the ‘negotiator’s dilemma’ and learn a range of moves that can be used to create value in a negotiation.

Internal authors:
Length of Teaching:
1-2 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Identify, analyse and participate in integrative negotiations;
  2. Understand importance of negotiation on the basis of interests instead of positions;
  3. Distinguish between integrative (value-creating) and distributive (value-claiming) moves.
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A satellite image of the Red Sea

FSO Safer: negotiating to avoid disaster

Due to the ongoing civil war between Ansar Allah (the Houthis) and the Saudi-backed, internationally recognised government of Yemen, the tanker FSO Safer sat rusting and unmaintained off the coast of Yemen in 2022. With the hull deteriorating, a spill of 1.1 million barrels of oil was imminent. Although the catastrophe was preventable from a technical perspective, political barriers had restricted progress for years. In this multi-issue, multi-party negotiation participants are tasked with finding a way to avoid disaster.

Off the coast of Yemen, in the Red Sea, an enormous oil tanker sat rusting in 2022. The Floating Storage and Offloading Unit (FSO) Safer contained 1.1 million barrels of oil. However, due to the ongoing Yemen civil war between Ansar Allah (also known as the Houthis) and the Saudi-backed, internationally recognised government of Yemen, the tanker had not been maintained since 2015. With the rotting hull deteriorating every day, an oil spill from the Safer was widely considered both inevitable and imminent unless prompt action is taken. The consequences of such a spill would be dire: devastating the ecology of the Red Sea region, disrupting global trade by potentially blocking the Suez Canal for months, and greatly exacerbating the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Yemen. Although the disaster seemed relatively easy to prevent from a technical perspective, political barriers had restricted progress for years and talks between Ansar Allah and the UN broke down completely in 2019. This multi-issue, multi-party negotiation simulation for groups of 6-12 players picks up the story in early 2022 when a change of UN leadership, as well as other developments in the region, had opened the door for new negotiations.

Internal authors:
Length of Teaching:
3-4 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Practice and reflect upon key negotiation moves, skills and potential obstacles in a multi-party, multi-issue complex negotiation;
  2. Explore and experience themes related to negotiating in a high-stakes, public-sector setting across conflict lines.
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Close up of someone signing a contract

Sign here: politics and integrity in public administration

When Jay Adan, the most senior civil servant in his state’s Ministry of Internal Affairs, discovered irregularities in the selection of candidates for posts in his ministry, he suspected the minister may have interfered for his own political gain. Should Adan compromise his values by approving a corrupt process or risk his career and the valuable work he was doing by explicitly rejecting the list?

As the senior most civil servant in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Mountain State, Jay Adan was required to approve any new recruits hired in the interior ministry. When he received a list of candidates recommended for vacant posts in the Mountain State Emergency Services, one of his ministry’s departments, he suspected that the recruitment had not been meritocratic. His personal investigation suggested that the candidates chosen were unqualified, and that more candidates were being recruited than the number of actual vacancies. Patronage was a rampant issue in the region, and political leaders frequently used recruitment cycles to garner support among voters before elections. Adan believed it was likely that the minister of internal affairs was interfering with the recruitment to recommend individuals from his key constituencies in time for elections. Adan considered it unethical to approve a corrupt process, but explicitly rejecting the list could cost him his career and jeopardise the important projects he was working on. Running out of time and options, Adan needed to decide what to do.

Length of Teaching:
1-2 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Understand and explore different moral frameworks with which to approach a dilemma of institutional integrity;
  2. Consider various strategies for responding to a corrupt request in public service and the compromises each may entail;
  3. Develop an understanding of one's own values as they relate to public sector leadership.
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