Teaching

Case Centre resources

Our resources

Our resources thrust participants into the heart of real-world scenarios, from crisis management in the UK during the Covid-19 pandemic to cross-party education reform in Brazil.

Many of our resources are available on The Case Centre distribution platform. Educators who are registered with the site can access free review copies of our case studies, teaching notes, and other materials.

To inquire about our other cases or background materials, please contact us at casecentre@bsg.ox.ac.uk.

Filters
Pen on paper

Blackout of the pens: anti-corruption oversight and operational efficiency in Brazil

Brazil’s control and anti-corruption bodies had been strengthened since its democratic transition in the 1980s. But for many public managers, the overlapping responsibilities and direct sanctioning powers of the control bodies, amidst their sometimes-conflicting assessments, made everyday policy and management decisions difficult. This background note looks at the phenomenon in Brazil known as apagão das canetas, or the ‘blackout of pens’, to explore how Brazil’s anti-corruption agencies and regulatory framework interact with public managers’ ability to meet operational demands.

This case study focuses on the phenomenon of pens’ blackout in Brazil where efforts to reduce corruption and increase the authority of control bodies have caused civil servants to avoid taking decisions for fear of being penalised. The case can be used to teach concepts such as how laws and control institutions can backfire by deterring honest civil servants; the role of legal uncertainty and audit; the relationship between executive and control authorities; and how to protect and promote discretion and innovation in the public service.

Length of Teaching:
1-2 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Identify the tensions between accountability and anti-corruption on the one hand, and operational efficiency on the other;
  2. Consider how to create systems (or organisations) that balance rules and discretion.
More Info
A gun reform protest - close up of a sign in the crowd

Political mobilisation and the gun safety debate in the US

The National Rifle Association had historically dominated US political debates around firearm regulation, with their defence of the right to bear arms particularly influential among Republicans. After several mass shootings in the 2010s, new gun safety groups and mobilisation strategies emerged, enabling Democrat Senator Chris Murphy to enter bipartisan negotiations on gun safety in 2022. But the deal was in jeopardy when Republican senators threatened to walk over a policy championed by gun safety advocates. Should Murphy compromise?

In June 2022, four Senators, two Republican and two Democrat, gathered in the basement of the US Senate to negotiate the details of what they hoped would become the US’s first national gun safety legislation in decades. Such bipartisan negotiations had long seemed impossible. Debates of gun-related legislation had historically been dominated by the influential National Rifle Association (NRA), which vehemently defended the right to bear arms through a large grassroots base and direct pressure on politicians. Gun safety advocates, on the other hand, had failed to convince politicians to support their mission, struggling to amass enough funding and grassroots support to influence political campaigns – even when the majority of Americans supported stricter gun laws. But gradually over the 2010s, a few large gun-safety activist groups emerged and pursued new strategies, and by the 2020s, they were seeing some political victories at the local and state level.

This had given hope to Democrat Senator Chris Murphy who had supported gun safety since 2012. But now his colleague, Republican Senator John Cornyn, threatened to walk away from the negotiations over the inclusion of ‘red flag laws’, a tool to remove guns from individuals deemed to be at extreme risk to themselves or others. The provision was championed by gun safety groups and derided by the NRA. Murphy did not want to lose this potential moment for change, and he had to figure out if he could hold the coalition together.

Length of Teaching:
1-2 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Grapple with how interest groups and social movements influence politics and policy making;
  2. Examine which factors can make interest groups and social movements effective.
More Info
Graffiti of Khaled Mohamed Saeed

Egypt in constitutional crisis

In autumn 2012, following the Egyptian revolution, opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei was concerned about the makeup of the constituent assembly. It was dominated by Islamists who also supported the newly elected president, Mohamed Morsi. With the assembly on the brink of collapse, Morsi sought dialogue with ElBaradei to reach a consensus on the draft constitution. Should ElBaradei accept Morsi’s invitation or join a boycott by other liberal and secular leaders?

In November 2012, in the aftermath of the Egyptian revolution, opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei faced a pivotal decision on his role in supporting the new democratically elected President Mohamed Morsi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood. Though ElBaradei and other liberal and secular figures had previously supported the Brotherhood during the revolution, they were wary of the Brotherhood’s Islamist agenda. Their primary concern was the makeup of the constituent assembly responsible for drafting Egypt's new constitution, which they believed failed to represent Egypt’s diversity. Many liberal figures were threatening to boycott the assembly in protest. 

With the assembly on the brink of collapse, Morsi sought dialogue with ElBaradei and other opposition figures to reach a consensus on the constitution draft. However, ElBaradei doubted the sincerity of Morsi’s intention to form a more representative assembly. Accepting Morsi's olive branch would symbolically legitimize his government and conservative agenda, while refusing could delay constitution drafting, leaving Morsi with unchecked powers and the country vulnerable to a military takeover. As fault lines deepened between Islamists and secularists, ElBaradei grappled with the decision to accept the invitation.

Authors:
Length of Teaching:
1-2 hours
Learning Objectives:
  1. Understand how hidden preferences can lead to regime instability, especially in authoritarian regimes;
  2. Recognise the power of organisation and mobilisation prior to a window of opportunity;
  3. Understand the challenges of maintaining pro-democracy coalitions during regime-founding moments.
More Info
Stay up to date

Follow our updates on the School's blog or subscribe to our mailing list.

Blog

Read about recent case studies on our blog.

Mailing list

Sign up to our mailing list to keep up to date with the latest information on workshops and resources.

Email us

Contact us directly