Case Centre resources

In January 2003, Alberto Mora, the general counsel of the United States Navy, was faced with a grave dilemma. In late 2002, Mora had become aware of allegations of physical abuse and degrading treatment of detainees held at the Guantanamo Bay detention centre. Mora was deeply disturbed by these reports. Beyond his own moral concerns, Mora believed that such mistreatment of prisoners went against what he saw as US values and violated international and domestic human rights laws. Furthermore, Mora feared that if such news reached the public, the credibility of the US government, its foreign relations, and US military strategy would suffer greatly.

Initially, Mora had believed the policy to be the result of mistakes made in the rushed post-9/11 climate. But now in January 2003, he was reading a memo by Deputy Assistant Attorney General John Yoo, one of the most senior lawyers in the executive branch, defending the policy. Reading the memo, Mora realised that the policy had been approved at the highest-levels of the US government. If he persisted in trying to end the interrogations, he risked dismissal and could potentially harm the careers of those supporting him. Yet, he also felt that he could not turn a blind eye to the abuses – he had a duty to act and he would need the strongest case possible.

The case can be ordered as a full case or an abbreviated version.

Considered the hub of Nigeria’s North-West region, Kaduna straddled the country’s north/south divide along ethnic, religious, and political groups. The state had experienced periods of violence since the 1980s, which often stemmed from religious and ethnic differences and were reinforced by perceived social and economic disparities. In the 2010s, conflict had intensified, particularly with the rise of criminal gangs and the depletion of natural resources. In 2017, in a new approach to promote peace and prevent conflict, the state established the Kaduna State Peace Commission (KSPC). 

Priscilla Ankut, a Kaduna native with a background in international development, became its first chief executive. She initially made progress building bridges across historically hostile groups, but by 2021, increasingly felt that her work was more palliative than structural. Moreover, violence had worsened over the period, and the death toll was rising. Then in August 2021, Ankut was presented with a new career opportunity that made her reconsider her role: an offer for a high-level job at the African Union. She had to decide if she should remain at the commission, where progress, at times, seemed counter-productive in the face of rising conflict or take the new job and let someone else take charge.

Soledad Núñez was offered the role of housing minister of Paraguay in October 2014, a ministry with a reputation as one of the most corrupt and ineffective public institutions in the country and for years, the ministry had failed to achieve its housing targets. Núñez knew that if she took on the role of minister, she would make powerful enemies, and her appointment would be opposed by many within the political establishment. But Núñez was determined to reform the ministry and fight the system of corruption that gripped it.

This case study follows Núñez during her difficult first year in office. Over the course of the year, Núñez created new regulations and processes, committed to transparency and improved the reputation of the organisation, all while increasing the delivery of homes sixfold. However, as 2015 came to an end, one of the high-ranking officials she had dismissed for his involvement in corruption returned to the ministry with a court order reinstating him. As news of his return spread through the offices, Núñez received word that some members of her staff were celebrating. Núñez was shocked: she had worked hard to change the culture of the ministry, but the official’s return seemed to be threatening to undo her work already. Núñez knew she would need to act quickly if she was to retain control of the situation.