Pragmatism, principles, and peace: Ambassador Bob Rae is interviewed by alumnus Shoaib Rizvi

Ambassador Rae, as the elected President of ECOSOC, you carry forward Canada’s distinguished legacy of leadership at the United Nations. This year marks the 80th anniversary of the United Nations—an institution founded on the principles of collective security, human rights, and global cooperation. Yet, at a time of rising populism and growing scepticism toward multilateral institutions, the UN faces one of the greatest tests of its relevance and resilience. As you take on this pivotal role, what is your vision for restoring trust in multilateralism and reinforcing the UN’s role as a pillar of international cooperation? 

Restoring trust in the United Nations begins with pragmatism—an honest assessment of what the UN can realistically achieve in today’s world. We need to focus on tangible outcomes: what can we do right now, in this context, with the resources we have? The organisation is facing an unprecedented financial crisis. Budget cuts—often by 20, 30, even 40 percent—are forcing us to rethink how the UN operates. This moment demands serious restructuring and strategic reorganisation. 

We must improve how we deliver critical services, especially humanitarian aid, knowing full well we won’t have the budgets we once did. So the question becomes: how do we regain financial stability in order to deliver essential services to those who need them most, when they need them most? This means difficult decisions—shifting program orientations, adopting new methods, and doing more with less. 

The organisation depends on the political will and financial commitment of its member states—especially the wealthiest and the permanent members of the Security Council. When that support falters, so does the UN’s capacity to act. Critics then dismiss the UN as ineffective. But we must avoid exaggerating both its successes and its failures. There have been pivotal moments—Canada often points to the Suez Crisis as an example—when the UN played a creative and decisive role. But that was a unique set of circumstances, and we, Canada, contributed to that. Our foreign minister at the time, Mr. Pearson, had a rare understanding of the UN’s strengths and limitations, and of the strategic positions of the United States, the United Kingdom, and other governments. His leadership made that moment possible. 

These moments don’t come often, and we can’t expect them to. That’s why rebuilding trust requires a more humble and realistic sense of what the UN can actually do. Overpromising only leads to disappointment—and loss of credibility. In any relationship, if you consistently fail to deliver what you have pledged, trust erodes. 

As we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the first G7 Summit, Canada has assumed the G7 presidency at a pivotal moment for global governance, with the 2025 G7 Leaders' Summit set to take place in Kananaskis, Alberta. Alongside your leadership as President of ECOSOC, these dual roles place Canada at the forefront of two of the world’s most influential multilateral platforms. How do you see these presidencies complementing each other, and how can Canada leverage this moment to amplify its global influence and bridge geopolitical divides? 

The G7 presidency comes at a particularly complex time, shaped in large part by the re-election of President Trump, which has altered the dynamics between G7 members—Canada, the United States, and Europe. These relationships now require careful navigation. One of my core principles is to face reality head-on: this is a difficult moment, and we must concentrate on areas where collaboration remains possible, productive, and constructive. The goal is not to avoid difficult issues, but to approach them with a mindset of resolution, not escalation. 

Our government is taking that approach seriously. I have worked closely with Ambassador Cindy Termorshuizen, Canada’s G7 Sherpa, who has engaged extensively with key stakeholders, including members of the UN Security Council and regional organisations. Recently, in Addis Ababa, she and I met with the African Union—she in her G7 role, and I in my capacity as ECOSOC President. It was a meaningful moment of alignment, underscoring the value of strategic coordination between these multilateral platforms. 

We are focusing on pressing, globally resonant issues—artificial intelligence, the geopolitics of critical minerals, and other shared priorities where genuine cooperation is still possible. These are not abstract policy debates; they are tangible areas where multilateral leadership can deliver results. 

We are also mindful that new geopolitical fault lines have emerged. It’s not enough to condemn them—we must ask: how do we navigate through them? How do we build bridges where others see divisions? That approach has long defined Canadian diplomacy: practical, principled, and solution-oriented. 

As the world marks the 30th anniversary of the Fourth World Conference on Women and the adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, the fight for gender equality remains unfinished. Canada has been a global leader in advocating for women’s rights, from the historic Edwards v. Canada (AG) decision, which empowered the Famous Five to secure women’s legal recognition as "persons", to its ongoing support for the principles enshrined in the Beijing Platform. 

Yet, despite progress, women remain underrepresented in leadership across governments, international institutions, and the private sector. How can Canada leverage its global influence—particularly within the UN and multilateral fora—to accelerate gender equality? 

We have made real progress toward gender equality, but we cannot afford complacency. As you rightly pointed out, women remain underrepresented in parliaments, boardrooms, and multilateral institutions. That imbalance persists despite decades of advocacy, and Canada must continue to lead by example. 

I commend Prime Minister Trudeau for ensuring gender parity in cabinet—it’s an important symbol and policy statement. When I was Premier of Ontario in 1990, we appointed the largest number of women to cabinet in the province’s history. At the time, I was told it was the highest representation of women in any Commonwealth government cabinet. Our administration was unapologetically feminist, advancing employment equity, pay equity, and robust measures to address gender-based violence and systemic discrimination. That experience shaped my belief that leadership on gender equality must be intentional, bold, and sustained. 

At the United Nations, we must be equally firm in our commitment. Patriarchy and misogyny remain deeply entrenched in many parts of the world. The fight for gender equality is not linear—it’s a struggle, often uphill, and we are frequently swimming against the current. But we must continue to push, especially in this era of growing authoritarianism and a coordinated backlash against women’s rights. 

The Secretary-General has shown strong leadership on this front, prioritising gender parity within his appointments and institutional culture. That momentum must continue across the system, even in the face of opposition from some member states. 

When I studied at Oxford in the 1960s, gender inequality was still woven into the fabric of academia. Women's colleges and men’s colleges were separate, and women were barred from becoming Rhodes Scholars until 1975. My residence, Holywell Manor, was one of the few spaces shared by students from Balliol and St. Anne’s. These were early steps, but the road was—and still is—long. 

My mother attended Cambridge at a time when women could attend lectures and sit for exams, but not receive degrees. She was finally awarded her degree at the age of 97, in a ceremony we organised to recognise what had long been denied. That’s the reality: equality is not a given, even in institutions we now consider progressive. Oxford began granting degrees to women in the 1920s; Cambridge waited until the late 1940s. 

So, when we speak of global gender parity, we must do so with historical clarity and political courage. The path forward requires firm commitment, international accountability, and a refusal to back down in the face of resistance. 

Canada and the United States share a deep and enduring bond, built on mutual respect, economic interdependence, and a profound connection between our people. Yet, with President Trump’s return to office, the bilateral relationship faces renewed complexities—ranging from trade and security to multilateral engagement. In this shifting landscape, how should Canada navigate these challenges while remaining true to its principles and strategic interests? 

This is undeniably a challenging moment in the Canada–U.S. relationship, particularly with the evolving dynamics of the G7 and the reemergence of a more transactional approach from Washington. But it's crucial to view this in historical context and with an eye toward the future. 

Canada and the United States are fundamentally different countries—culturally, politically, and institutionally. Yet, we are also close neighbours and deeply interconnected, especially economically. Our prosperity is tightly bound to access to international markets, and most critically, to the U.S. market. Canada is one of the most trade-dependent economies in the G7, while the U.S. is comparatively less reliant on trade. That asymmetry shapes the power dynamic and the policy space we operate within. 

President Trump’s return has underscored those differences. It reminds Canadians that while we share geography and economic ties, we do not always share values or political instincts. We must live with that reality—acknowledging where our interests align and where they diverge. When faced with a government in Washington that prioritises direct, often unilateral demands—whether on defence spending, trade concessions, or burden-sharing—we cannot afford to ignore or dismiss them. This is a moment of reckoning for Canadian foreign policy. 

We must be clear-eyed about the divergences, yet deliberate in seeking common ground. That includes deepening cooperation on shared interests like Arctic sovereignty and continental defence. I anticipate a significant ramp-up in Canadian investments in defence and security—something that is both necessary and increasingly urgent. 

But we must not allow these developments to come at the expense of our values or our multilateral commitments. Canada is not a superpower. We are a middle power, and our influence lies in our ability to build coalitions, to lead with principle, and to engage with other middle powers across a rules-based international order. That’s who we are, and that must remain the cornerstone of our strategic approach. 

Ambassador Rae, your career has spanned provincial leadership as Premier of Ontario, federal politics, academia, and international diplomacy, culminating in your role as Canada’s representative to the United Nations. Over the course of these distinct arenas, how has your leadership philosophy evolved, and what singular moment stands out as the most defining in shaping your trajectory? And for students at your alma mater, the University of Oxford, who aspire to a life of public service, what is the most invaluable insight you would offer as they navigate their own paths? 

When I look back at the arc of my career—from provincial politics to federal leadership, academia, and diplomacy—one observation I often make, half-jokingly, is that I have done so many different things that it sometimes feels like I have had trouble keeping a job for long. 

But what I have come to value most, through all of it, is the meaning of service. Leadership, I have learned, is not about self—it's about us. It’s about collaboration, humility, and the collective pursuit of a common good. Early on, I had sharper edges and more ambition. Over time, I hope I have become a better listener. We teach people to speak well, but rarely to listen well. And listening—truly listening—is one of the most under-appreciated yet essential qualities of leadership. 

I have also learned to accept mistakes and failure. That’s a hard lesson, but a necessary one. If you live a full life, you come to understand that humility is not just a virtue; it’s a discipline. Everyone carries unseen burdens, and leadership often means walking alongside others through those challenges—not ahead of them. 

As for a defining moment, I would say, without hesitation, that the most important moment in my life was my mental breakdown. It wasn’t a moment of triumph—it was a moment of failure. I have rarely spoken about it publicly, but it was profoundly formative. In my twenties, after leaving Oxford, I went through a very difficult period. I struggled with uncertainty, identity, and mental health. It was the first time in my life I would really encountered failure. Up to that point, things had mostly gone well—academic success, promising opportunities, clear forward motion. Then suddenly, everything stalled. 

At first, I was reluctant to talk about it, but as time went on I embraced my mental health challenges, because I realised my own recovery was the next part of the story. That breakdown—though painful—was the most formative experience of my life. 

It taught me that life is not a linear ascent. There are setbacks, losses, and detours. But with resilience, there are also comebacks. That lesson—learning how to start again—has stayed with me more deeply than any success I have ever had. 

For students at Oxford or anywhere else aspiring to public service, I would say this: cultivate humility, embrace resilience, and never underestimate the power of listening.